Chen Zhi: The Node of China's "White Glove" System—From Scam Compounds to Organ Supply, How to Disassemble "People" into Usable Components

Chen Zhi is not an isolated case. He is the interface the system requires: translating unspoken commands into marketized business, packaging necessary plunder as "project advancement." Externally, he combines the roles of investor, external liaison, and labor organizer; internally, he interfaces with rulers who prefer not to state explicitly but require results—concentrating people, transferring money, erasing traces. Calling these roles "white gloves" is not an insult but a description of division of labor: private arms beneath the state's garment, used to complete projects that will never appear in official documents.

To understand this node, one must return to the form of government. The Soviet-style organizational paradigm is not merely ideological output; it is an operational machine: cadre training, integration of law and politics, prioritizing "security" over rule of law, making mobilization the norm. Those who grow up under this system learn not governance based on citizens, but how to keep the machine running continuously, how to incorporate people into quotas, metrics, and supply tables. Once the machine is established, the state becomes a shell; the real issue is the logic of operation: power priority, information closure, accountability failure. People in such a system are no longer subjects but rewritten as "manageable elements"—labor, data, capital, and even bodily organs become statistical, dispatchable, and distributable resource units.

Scam compounds first exposed this logic. These compounds are not simple criminal gatherings; they are extensions of institutionalized plunder: isolating supervision, imprisoning labor, converting people's trust and time into mobile profits, then channeling these back into system reward circuits through protection chains. Whether located abroad or disguised as "industrial parks" or "training bases," the victims almost all come from the same society—their capital, freedom, and dignity extracted and monetized. The key is: when one node is dismantled, the circuit does not necessarily break; nodes are replaceable, channels can migrate, and business continues under new names. As long as the governing logic exists, compounds are replicable modules.

Organ supply is the same logic extended to a deeper level. The motivation is simple and cruel: in a power-priority system, the ruler's "continuity" is treated as national interest, and medical resources are naturally tilted. The opportunity is sufficiently realistic: when the transparency of the transplant system is in the hands of power, when donor sources are not independently verified, when military-medical, legal-political, and medical institutions have "rapid and confidential" channels, organs can be transformed into power supplies. Rulers need not issue oral commands; the system has already written "priority" into operations through procedure—whoever can dispatch, bypass review, or seal records has de facto allocation rights over scarce resources.

Connecting the two lines: compounds extract people's time, trust, and labor into cash flow; organ circuits disassemble people's bodies into matchable, transportable parts. What they share is rewriting "people" as "usable." Under a trinity of power-security-secrecy, law and morality are merely a thin membrane, constantly dissolved. Thus emerges a biopolitical reality: whoever is recorded, numbered, or marked as "dispatchable" determines who will be extracted, deprived, or even dissected into supply units.

Why does this logic hold? Not because some people are inherently evil, but because the system makes opportunity into routine. Fraud can be outsourced because someone promises "protection"; organs can be incorporated into "emergency supply" because someone can create "fast-track passage." White gloves are just execution; those who create white gloves are the system. The Soviet template gave rulers a complete toolbox: mobilization, unified command, information control, replacing transparency with security. The toolbox contains no "citizenship rights," only "subjects to be dominated." When these tools are used to govern the same ethnic group, governance becomes a form of self-colonization—a more complete subordinate order established in the name of "anti-imperialism": native agents using foreign templates to treat their own people, using "stability," "development," and "security" as shields for refusing accountability.

You might ask: who ultimately receives those organs? The reality is cruel: in a highly privatized power system, scarce resources are allocated to those who can pay the price or occupy the channel—high officials, cronies, system beneficiary groups. Whoever can use the channel gets priority matching. What is "morally unimaginable" becomes operational procedure precisely under conditions lacking transparency and supervision: from erasing records, rewriting medical histories, obscuring donor identities, to internal scheduling of transplant priorities—the entire process can be packaged as "medical necessity" or "emergency treatment." This packaging is not coincidental but institutionalized concealment.

Some would attribute responsibility to "bad individuals," saying catching a few white gloves is enough. That's further from the truth. Dismantling individual nodes does not touch the system. The machine maintains itself through replacement and regeneration—today's fallen Chen Zhi will be replaced by tomorrow's small account or new company; today's retracted papers will be replaced by more cautious concealment methods. What must be done is not occasional punishment but dismantling operational channels: exposing financial pathways to independent audit, making the transplant system accept traceable, third-party registration and verification; bringing all organ allocation records out of "internal retention" black boxes; protecting whistleblowers and victims, establishing cross-border evidence collaboration, making "confidentiality" no longer an excuse for "destroying evidence"; imposing substantial costs on institutions participating in concealment and preferential allocation, making "fast-track" high-risk rather than privileged.

This is institutional combat, not moral persuasion. Real historical hemostasis has never been achieved by changing slogans or retracting papers but by interrupting the process of treating people as materials. As long as dispatch power is unchecked, as long as black boxes can protect, organs and other plunder will be repeatedly designed and utilized; as long as white gloves can be easily replaced, fraud will regenerate under new shells. To end this, dispatch power must be stripped from the machine, resource and power allocation placed under externally verifiable rules, making state "legitimacy" rest on citizen contracts and transparency, not on a routine system of secrecy and priority.

I won't pretend here that all problems have quick solutions. Interrupting channels, exposing protection, cutting off funding, protecting evidence and whistleblowers—these demands sound technically complex, but they're really just placing power in a reality that can be audited. Only when the cost of protection exceeds its benefits, when the risk of concealment exceeds its returns, will the machine stop; only when the collapse of nodes truly transmits to the top will the system be forced to adjust or disintegrate.

One final sentence is simple and cruel: in this machine's dictionary, "person" is not recognized by default—it must be reclaimed. Removing white gloves, exposing channels, handing records to where they can be effective—this is not an idealist slogan but the only realistic path.